Introduction to PNG


Papua New Guinea is one of the world’s most ethnically diverse countries. Its population of an estimated 7.3 million speaks more than 850 indigenous languages and is spread across some of the world’s most difficult terrain. An estimated 88 per cent of the population lives in rural areas, often isolated with poor communications. The overall literacy rate (literate in at least one language) is 68 per cent, an increase of 12 percentage points since the 2000 Census. Tok Pisin shows the highest literacy rate of 57 per cent, followed by local languages (Tok Ples) at 56 per cent and English at 49 per cent (PNG Census, 2011).

Papua New Guinea comprises the eastern half of New Guinea island and nearby islands and is the largest country (461,690 km²) in the Pacific region. It has more than 600 islands and the mainland is mostly covered by tropical rain forest and has large mountain ranges. Transport links are poor or non-existent.

Demographically, Papua New Guinea is a young country; 76 per cent of the population is under 35 years old and 35 per cent is under 15. Annual population growth is 3.1 per cent, with the population expected to reach 9 million by the end of the decade.

Papua New Guinea gained independence from Australia in 1975 and is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary democracy. Many government functions are devolved to the country’s 22 provinces and to lower levels. The country is divided into four regions – Highlands, Momase, New Guinea Islands and Southern. The capital is Port Moresby, with a population of about 400,000. The main regional centres are Goroka and Mt. Hagen in the densely populated Highlands Region, the commercial port of Lae in the Momase region, and Kokopo/Rabaul in the New Guinea Islands region (United Nations Devlopment Programme, 2014).

The regions and provinces of Papua New Guinea

Papua New Guinea is a lower- to middle-income country with a GDP of US$15.4 billion and a per capita income of US$2,104.9 (World Bank, 2013). It has a formal, corporate sector and a large informal sector where subsistence farming accounts for the bulk of economic activity. The formal sector provides a narrow employment base, consisting of mineral production, some manufacturing, the public sector, and services including finance, construction, transportation and utilities. It is estimated that 75 per cent of households depend on subsistence agriculture, with 40 per cent of the population living on less than $1 a day (United Nations Development Programme, 2014).

Papua New Guinea is rich in natural resources (forests, fish and minerals) and has vast ecosystems hosting a unique biodiversity. Oil and gas, mining and construction activities have allowed the economy to expand strongly in recent years.

The economy was projected to grow by 15.5 per cent in 2015, compared with 8.4 per cent in 2014, driven mainly by a first full calendar year of liquefied natural gas production in the country and overall oil and gas growth of 156 per cent. However, the oil and gas sector was expected to return to negative growth by 2019 as the oil fields are depleted.

The mining and quarrying sector was expected to grow by 12.0 per cent in 2015, but then slow down as the Ok Tedi mine undergoes life extension work, before rebounding towards 2019 as increased mine production begins.

Growth in the non-mining sectors was expected to increase from 1.4 per cent in 2014 to 4 per cent in 2015, partly reflecting preparations for the 2015 Pacific Games and the 2018 Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation meeting. Agriculture was projected to expand by 3.6 per cent in 2015, based on improvements expected in coffee and cocoa growing and the elimination of copra oil production bottlenecks. Manufacturing, wholesaling and retailing and transport, storage and communications were expected to continue to grow in 2015, with electricity, gas and water
slowing down.

From 2016 to 2019 the economy was expected to adjust to traditional drivers led by agriculture, fishing and forestry and supported by expansion of the private sector. Inflation was expected to decrease to 5.5 per cent in 2015 from 5.9 per cent in 2014 and then to stabilise at about 5.0 per cent until 2019.


Archaeologists believe the first humans arrived in New Guinea approximately 50,000 years ago. The 16th and 17th centuries saw the arrival of the first European explorers and in 1828 the Dutch took control of the western half of the island of New Guinea. In the 1880s, the eastern half of the island was divided between Germany (north) and the UK (south), with the British later ceding the territory to Australia (1903). After World War I, the German territory was mandated to Australia as a Trust Territory.

During World War II, the country saw fighting between Japanese and Allied forces. Following the war, the northern and southern territories were joined together to become one, known as the Territory of Papua and New Guinea.

Preparations for independence began in the late 1960s and 1970s. In 1972, Michael Somare became Chief Minister of a democratically elected government and in 1973 the country was administratively unified and renamed Papua New Guinea. Independence came to the nation on September 16, 1975. PNG is a member of the Commonwealth and the country recognizes the British Sovereign as Head of State.

The late 1980s and 1990s saw civil war on the island of Bougainville. The secessionist revolt, which ended in 1997, claimed an estimated 20,000 lives. After lengthy negotiations, Bougainville and Papua New Guinea agreed in 2001 that the province of Bougainville would become an autonomous region. Under the Peace Accords (2001), provision is made for a referendum on independence which could be held sometime between 2015 and 2020.

National general elections are held every five years. The last general elections, conducted in July 2012, brought Peter O’Neill to power as Prime Minister and Head of Government.

More about history: A Brief History of Papua New Guinea

Political overview

System of Government

Papua New Guinea is a constitutional monarchy. The Head of State is HM Queen Elizabeth II, represented in Papua New Guinea by a Governor-General, currently His Excellency Sir Robert Dadae. The Governor-General is elected directly by Members of the National Parliament and performs mainly ceremonial functions.

Government structure

Papua New Guinea has three levels of government – national, provincial and local. The National Parliament is a 111 member unicameral legislature elected for five-year terms by universal suffrage. The Prime Minister is appointed and dismissed by the Governor-General on the proposal of Parliament. The Cabinet – known as the National Executive Council or NEC – is appointed by the Governor-General on the recommendation of the Prime Minister. The Supreme Court, National Court, and local and village courts form an independent justice system.

Political system

Members of the National Parliament are elected from 89 single-member electorates and 22 regional electorates. The regional electorates correspond to Papua New Guinea’s 20 provinces, plus the Autonomous Region of Bougainville and the National Capital District. Members from regional electorates also serve as provincial Governors. Each province has its own provincial assembly and administration.

Up to and including the June 2002 general election, members of parliament were elected on a first-past-the-post basis and, due to the large number of candidates, they frequently won with less than 15 per cent of the vote. After the 2002 election a system of limited preferential voting was introduced, under which voters are required to list a first, second, and third preference.

To date, all governments have been coalitions. Historically, there has been a high turn-over of parliamentarians at general elections. In 2002, for example, around 80 per cent of sitting members lost their seats. In the 2012 elections, the figure was almost 60 per cent, with 45 incumbents re-elected.

The PNG Constitution protects new Governments from Parliamentary motions of no-confidence during the first 18 months of a five-year term. Once the 18-month moratorium expires, a successful no-confidence motion may result in a new Prime Minister forming a government without the need for a national election. If the no-confidence motion occurs during the last twelve months of a five-year term, a national election must be held. Changes in government following motions of no-confidence have been a characteristic of PNG politics since independence.

Economic overview

From the mid-2000s, PNG experienced over a decade of comparatively robust economic growth, with expanding formal employment opportunities and strong growth in government expenditure and revenues. This economic performance was driven by high international prices for PNG’s exports (including for agriculture), conservative fiscal policies and construction activity related to the PNG LNG project. Economic growth peaked in 2014 with the commencement of exports from the LNG Project.

Lower commodity prices and successive budget deficits, however, have placed pressure on the government’s fiscal position. Since 2015, the government has implemented significant expenditure cuts in an attempt to maintain macroeconomic stability. Growth has slowed, and is projected to remain moderate over the short to medium term.

PNG continues to confront considerable development challenges. Over 2 million Papua New Guineans (an estimated 27 per cent of the population) are poor and/or face hardship (2015 Pacific Regional MDG Tracking Report). With around 80 to 85 per cent of Papua New Guineans residing in traditional rural communities, the majority secure their livelihoods from subsistence gardens and small-scale cash cropping.


The unit of PNG currency is the Kina (PGK).


PNG has three official languages: English, Tok Pidgin and Hiri Motu. English is used throughout PNG educational institutions, government, Courts and in business.

There are also estimated to be over 800 different indigenous languages spoken throughout the country.


The population of Papua New Guinea has reached 7,275,324 according to 2011 Census. It has increased by 40% and at average annual growth rate 3.1% since the last census in 2000. In absolute numbers a total of 2,084,538 persons were added to the population during 11 years.

About 39% of the population live in the Highlands region followed by Momase region with 26% while Southern and Island regions make up 20% and 15% respectively.

The annual growth for the Papua New Guinea has increased steadily from 2.2 % in 1980 and currently stands at 3.1%. The Highlands and Island regions have annual growth higher than the national average.

Sex ratio ( number of males to every 100 females) has remained steady at 108 as reported in the last census. Likewise, the household size is 5.3 persons, a slight increase from 5.2 reported in 2000 census.

Of the 22 provinces, Morobe province alone contains almost 9.3% of the country’s total population, reporting a total population count of 674, 810 person in 2011 Census. Eastern Highlands and the Southern Highlands (minus Hela province) are the other two most populated provinces with population in excess of half a million.

Significant increase in population is noted mostly for provinces in the Highlands and Islands. However this is not the case for the provinces in Momase region where population growth rate is comparatively lower.

Since 1980, the population of Papua New Guinea has more than doubled from 3 million to 7.3 million in a matter of 31 years.

The population of PNG remains primarily based in rural areas and operates in a traditional, non-monetary barter economy. However, there is also a portion of the population that live in cities such as Port Moresby, Lae, Madang and Goroka.

Co-existing with the traditional communities is a modern economic system, involving mining, the production and exportation of petroleum products and other industries such as agriculture and fisheries.


Predominantly, the religion in PNG is Christian. However, traditional indigenous belief systems are also common, particularly in rural areas.

Customary laws are still commonly practiced and enforced across the country. Legislation also recognises Customary Law as part of the underlying law of PNG.


Time zone

PNG is 10 hours ahead of Greenwich Mean Time and is on the same time zone as Australian Eastern Standard Time. However, PNG does not have daylight saving.


The island of New Guinea, of which Papua New Guinea is the eastern part, is only one-ninth as big as Australia, yet it has just as many mammal species, and more kinds of birds and frogs. PNG is Australia’s biological mirror-world. Both places share a common history going back tens of millions of years, but Australia is flat and has dried out, while PNG is wet and has become mountainous. As a result, Australian kangaroos bound across the plains, while in PNG they climb in the rainforest canopy.

PNG – A Megadiverse Region

PNG is one of earth’s megadiverse regions, and it owes much of its diversity to its topography. The mountainous terrain has spawned diversity in two ways: isolated mountain ranges are often home to unique fauna and flora found nowhere else, while within any one mountain range you will find different species as you go higher. In the lowlands are jungles whose trees are not that different from those of Southeast Asia. Yet the animals are often startlingly different – cassowaries instead of tapirs, and marsupial cuscus instead of monkeys.

The greatest diversity of animal life occurs at around 1500m above sea level. The ancestors of many of the marsupials found in these forests were derived from Australia some five million years ago. As Australia dried out they vanished from that continent, but they continued to thrive and evolve in New Guinea, producing a highly distinctive fauna. Birds of paradise and bowerbirds also abound there, and the forest has many trees typical of the forests of ancient Gondwana. As you go higher the forests get mossier and the air colder. By the time you have reached 3000m above sea level the forests are stunted and wreathed in epiphytes. It’s a formation known as elfin woodland, and in it one finds many bright honeyeaters, native rodents and some unique relics of prehistory, such as the giant long-beaked echidna. Above the elfin woodland the trees drop out, and a wonderland of alpine grassland and herbfield dominates, where wallabies and tiny birds, like the alpine robin, can often be seen. It is a place where snow can fall and where early morning ice coats the puddles.

Flying into Port Moresby you’ll encounter grassland – a far cry from the eternally wet forests that beckon from the distant ranges. Such habitats exist in a band of highly seasonal rainfall that exists across southern New Guinea, and the fauna you’ll see there is much like that of northern Australia. Magpie geese, brolgas and jabirus occupy the floodplains, as do sandy-coloured agile wallabies, Rusa deer (which were introduced a century ago) and saltwater crocodiles.

Where the dry season is shorter, however, the savannah gives way to lowland jungles and there you are in another world. The largest native land animal you’ll encounter is not a mammal or a reptile, but a bird – New Guinea’s southern cassowary.

It’s the nature of rainforests that their inhabitants form intimate relationships, and the cassowary stands at the centre of an intricate web. It eats the fruit of rainforest trees, and it can fit objects as large as a grapefruit down its throat. Its stomach strips the pulp from the fruit but passes the seeds unharmed, and from them new forest trees can grow – unless a sinister-looking parrot is nearby. The vulturine parrot is a cockatoo-sized bird with the colours of an Edwardian gentleman’s morning suit – a sombre black on the outside, but with rich vermilion linings. Its head is naked and bears a long, hooked beak, hence its common name. Until recently no one knew quite why its head was so odd – then one was seen neck-deep in cassowary faeces. The bird specialises, it seems, in picking apart reeking cassowary droppings in search of the seeds, and for such an occupation a bald head (which prevents the faeces from sticking) and a long pincer-like beak are essential requirements.

New Guinea’s snake fauna includes some extremely venomous species, such as the taipan and king brown snake, which are limited to the savannahs. Generally speaking the higher up the mountains you go, the fewer venomous snakes there are.

Mountain Forests

The forests of New Guinea’s mountains, including its high-mountain elfin woodland, are, on first acquaintance, more sedate places. There is often a distinct chill in the air at dawn, and out of the mist you might hear the pure tones of the New Guinea whipbird, or the harsher calls of any one of a dozen birds of paradise. Just why New Guinea is home to such an astonishing variety of spectacular birds has long puzzled biologists. Part of the answer lies in the lack of mammalian predators on the island. The largest – a marsupial known as the New Guinea quoll – is only kitten-sized. Thus there are no foxes, leopards or similar creatures to prey on the birds, which as a consequence have developed such astonishing colours and spectacular mating rituals as to beggar belief.

If you can get well away from the villages, perhaps by accompanying experienced bushmen on a two- or three-day walk to distant hunting grounds, you might get to see a tree kangaroo. These creatures are relatives of Australia’s rock wallabies which, five million years ago, took to the treetops. There are eight species in New Guinea, but in the central ranges you are likely to see just two. Goodfellow’s tree kangaroo is a chestnut-coloured creature the size of a Labrador. Higher up you may encounter the bearlike Doria’s tree kangaroo. It is shaggy, brown and immensely powerful, and lives in family groups.

Where the woodland gives way to the alpine regions another world unfolds. There the tiger parrot calls from stunted umbrella plants. Rhododendron bushes and tufted orchids are covered with flowers, and any woody plants are festooned with ant plants. In a perfect example of the intimate ecological relationships that abound in the forest, the ant protects the plant, while the plant provides shelter for its tiny defenders.
You’ll see well-worn tracks winding through the alpine tussocks. Some are made by diminutive wallabies, others by giant rats. New Guinea is home to a spectacular diversity of rats, which comprise fully one-third of the mammal fauna. These distant relatives of the laboratory rat are spectacularly varied: some look like miniature otters and cavort in mountain streams, others resemble small, tree-climbing possums, while still others look, and smell, like rats from elsewhere.

In two of the highest mountain regions in PNG – the Star Mountains in the far west and Mt Albert Edward near Port Moresby – one of the country’s most enigmatic birds can be seen. Known as McGregor’s bird of paradise, it is a velvet-black bird the size of a large crow that makes a distinctive rattling sound as it flies. Under each wing is a large orange spot, and behind each eye a fleshy, flapping orange wattle of skin.

The People of PNG


PNG people are closely related to people from other parts of the Pacific. There are Papuans, the first arrivals; Melanesians, who represent 95% of people and are related to people from the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji and New Caledonia; Polynesians, related to New Zealand Maoris, Tongans, Samoans and Hawaiian islanders; and Micronesians, related to people in the Marshall Islands, Kiribati and Nauru.

Only 15% of people live in urban areas, while most of the rest are subsistence farmers. Nearly two million people live in the Highlands, the most densely populated part of the country.

Most cities have many people who weren’t born there. Many Highlanders migrate to Port Moresby and elsewhere, but few coastal people move into the Highlands. Melanesian people still identify more strongly with their clan links and their origins than with the people they come to live with, so enclaves exist in the settlement areas of the big cities, and there is a traditional distrust between Highlanders and coastal people.


Some people have typical urban lifestyles with cars and comfortable homes. Others inhabit remote areas and may never have seen a town or a white person. Urban or rural, they almost all chew buai (betel nut), go to church, worship dead ancestors and fear masalais (malevolent spirits).

Melanesians are laid-back, at least on the coast where it’s too hot to get overly fussed. Highlanders are a bit more feisty and passionate. Everyone seems to walk slowly, but they’ve got this climate worked out – cling to the shade, sleep through the midday heat and save physical exertion for village rugby late in the day.

By Western standards most people live very simply. In the bush people have very few possessions and often no cash income. In the cities a number of educated people lead sophisticated middle-class lives, but other people live in squalor in city-fringe settlements. PNG lifestyles range from the rarefied cold-weather climes of the Highlands to life on the coast in stilt houses above the shifting tide.

Both PNG and the Solomons are changing quickly and locals want development. Particularly in PNG, people have married outside their traditional clans and homelands, and tok ples (local language, pronounced ‘talk place’) is increasingly being replaced in the villages with Tok Pisin (the Pidgin language). Isolated communities are suddenly being confronted with huge mining and logging operations. These bring new roads and facilities and remote areas are opened to Western influences – both good and bad.


Fundamental to Melanesian culture is the idea of wantoks (meaning ‘one talk’ in Tok Pisin) and your wantoks are those who speak your tok ples (language) – your clan or kinfolk. Every Melanesian is born with duties to their wantoks but they also have privileges. Within the clan and village, each person can expect to be housed and fed, and to share in the community’s assets.

Some say that the wantok system is the best and worst thing about PNG and the Solomon Islands. For villagers, it is an egalitarian way for the community to share its spoils. In rapidly changing circumstances, the village and the clan provide basic economic support as well as a sense of belonging.

When these ideas are transposed to politics and social affairs, it becomes nepotism and, at worst, corruption. Candidates don’t get to run without the support of their fellow bigmen (important men or leaders), who expect that when ‘their’ candidate is elected, their generosity will be repaid. The wantok system is also the greatest disincentive to enterprise.

The wantok system is a microcosm of the battle being waged between the modern and the traditional in PNG and the Solomons. It is so deeply entrenched that some educated youngsters choose to move away from their families to avoid the calls for handouts. And without it, life would be much harder for many others. Just saying ‘no’ to a wantok is rarely an option.

Traditional Lifestyle

Ownership in the Western sense didn’t exist in traditional societies; instead ownership was a concept tied up in family and clan rights, controlled by the male elder.

In traditional Melanesian culture there are three main areas of everyday importance – prestige, pigs and gardening. A village chief shows wealth by owning and displaying certain traditional valuables, or by hosting lavish feasts where dozens of pigs are slaughtered. Bigmen (important men or leaders) don’t inherit their titles, although being the son of a chief has advantages. Bigmen must earn their titles by accolades in war, wisdom in councils, magic-practice skills and the secret arts that are tambu (taboo) for women. Particularly in the Highlands, people have to be made aware how wealthy bigmen are, so ceremonial life in this region focuses on ostentatious displays and in giving things away. There are various ways in which this is formalised; it’s part of a wide circle of exchange and interclan relationships. Wealth is never really given away in the Western sense. Your gifts cement a relationship with the receiver, who then has obligations to you. Obligation and payback are deadly serious in Highlands culture; Melanesia has no privileged classes, but individuals still inherit land through their parents (often their mother). Village life in PNG and the Solomons is usually egalitarian, and ownership continues to be a concept tied up in family and clan rights.

Pigs are extremely valuable; they’re regarded as family members and lactating women sometimes suckle piglets. People can be seen taking their pig for a walk on a leash, patiently waiting as the pig grazes and digs by the roadside. Large pigs can be worth K1000. Dogs, on the other hand, are mangy, fly-blown creatures left to scavenge for food.

Animism, Christianity & Spirit Houses

People in both countries still maintain animist beliefs. Despite the inroads of Christianity, ancestor worship is still important. The netherworld is also inhabited by spirits, both protective and malevolent, and there are creation myths that involve animal totems. This is stronger in certain areas: islanders from Malaita in the Solomons worship sharks while some Sepik River people revere crocodiles. Christianity has a tight grip on most people, but it hasn’t supplanted traditional beliefs. They coexist – Jesus is alive in people’s hearts and minds without conflicting with their traditional ideas.

Men’s cults are widespread throughout Melanesia and involve the ritualised practice of ‘the arts’ and ancestor worship in men’s houses and haus tambarans (spirit houses). This can involve the building and display of certain ceremonial objects, song and dance, and the initiation of boys into manhood. It manifests in different ways in different societies, but it is very secretive and deadly serious – in the Sepik boys are cut with crocodile markings as part of their initiation, while Tolais boys are visited by dukduks (spiritual costumes) to perform their initiation rites. It’s ironic and hard to fathom for outsiders, but while men’s business and haus tambarans are tambu for women, men’s cults and their initiation rites are all about rebirthing – the haus tambaran is like a womb and in some places its entrance is actually shaped like a vagina.

Sexual politics is complicated in traditional Melanesian society. In some places in the Highlands husband and wife don’t live together at all, and sexual relations are not to be taken lightly. Some Melanesian men have two or more wives. In many belief systems women are considered dangerous, especially during menstruation. Women often live in a house alone with the young children, or with sisters and their nieces and nephews. In many places land rights pass through the mother, and older women can wield great power in the villages.

Women carry kago (cargo) in bilums (string bags) home from the market while the man walks unburdened. Women do most of the food gardening, although men grow magnificent decorative gardens. Traditionally, men practise arts that are exclusively their domain and, although these can sometimes be shown to women travellers, they are still tambu for local women.


PNG’s arts are regarded as the most striking and varied in the Pacific, and Solomon Islanders, being great carvers, are part of the same cultural tradition. The lack of contact between different villages and groups of people has led to a potent array of indigenous art.

In traditional societies, dance, song, music, sculpture and body adornment were related to ceremonies. Art was either utilitarian (such as bowls or canoes) or religious. Since European contact, art has become objectified. There have always been master carvers and mask-makers, but their role in traditional cultures was to enable the ceremonies and rituals to be performed correctly, and to serve the clan and chief.

The production of artefacts is itself often ceremonial and ritualistic. On some of the islands, secret men’s societies build dukduks or carve malangan masks (totemic figures honouring the dead). Women are forbidden to look upon a dukduk or malangan until it is brought to life in a ceremony by a fierce anonymous character.

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